| Suspension as an Emergency Power |
|
|
|
| Written by Amanda L. Tyler [View as PDF] | |
|
118 Yale L.J. 600 (2009).
As the war on terrorism
continues, and along with it a heated debate over the scope of executive
authority in times of national emergency, one important question deserves
careful attention: how much power may Congress vest in the executive to address
the crisis at hand when it chooses to take the “grave action” of suspending the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus? For example, may suspension legislation
authorize the executive to arrest and detain individuals on suspicion that they
might engage in future acts of terrorism? Or does suspending the privilege
merely remove the courts from the governing equation without expanding the
scope of executive power to arrest and detain persons of suspicion? This
Article seeks to provide a definitive account of what it means to suspend the
privilege. Toward that end, the Article explores in detail the relationship
between suspension, executive power, and individual rights throughout American
history along with how the suspension power fits into our larger constitutional
scheme. The analysis yields the conclusion that in the narrow circumstances
believed by the Framers to justify suspending the privilege—times of “Rebellion
or Invasion”—a suspension offers the government some measure of latitude in its
efforts to restore order and preserve its very existence. The idea is hardly
new. Indeed, Blackstone articulated it long ago. As he both explained and
cautioned, “[T]his experiment ought only to be tried in cases of extreme
emergency; and in these the nation parts with its liberty for a while, in order
to preserve it forever.”
|