Constitutional Law
Government in Opposition
119 Yale L.J. 548 (2009). In the past generation, in countries in all parts of the world, using all different forms of constitutional government, a new form of separation of powers has emerged in greater numbers, what this Article calls “government in opposition.” After democratic elections are held, power to govern is granted to the winners of those elections—but substantial power to govern is also granted to the losers of those elections as well. This Article first discusses how this emerging regime of separation of powers differs from other major forms of separation of powers, and in doing so introduces a new way of understanding the major systems of separated power that the world’s constitutional democracies have created. After providing some examples and illustrations of how this new, government in opposition system of separated powers operates—and why it has proven to be so consequential in so many countries—this Article discusses how government in opposition rules have much to offer constitutional designers around the world. In fragile democracies and stable democracies alike, government in opposition rules can better constrain power and stabilize the core elements of constitutional democracy, better prepare all parties to govern effectively, more fairly involve all interests in the process of governing—and can do all of this at minimal cost. To illustrate this point, this Article closes with a discussion of how government in opposition rules might work in the United States, and how they might remedy some of the current political and constitutional problems that we face.
Is It Important To Be Important?: Evaluating the Supreme Court’s Case-Selection Process
The Prospects for the Peaceful Co-Existence of Constitutional and International Law
From Choice to Reproductive Justice: De-Constitutionalizing Abortion Rights
118 Yale L.J. 1394 (2009). The Essay argues that the right to abortion constitutionalized in Roe v. Wade is by some measure at odds with a capacious understanding of the demands of reproductive justice. No matter its rationale, the constitutional right to abortion is fundamentally a negative right that rhetorically keeps the state out of the domain of family life. As such, the decision privatizes not only the abortion decision, but also parenting, by rendering the decision to carry a pregnancy to term a choice. It thereby legitimates a minimalist state response to the problems of pregnant women who carry their pregnancies to term and for poor parents who might need greater public support. These marginalized groups need greater community and state assistance with the demands of parenting, and the equation of reproductive justice with a right to terminate a pregnancy is in tension with a political or legal agenda for meeting those needs. The Essay then explores the possibility of creating a right to legal abortion through ordinary political means, rather than through constitutional adjudication, in such a way as not to carry these costs.
Introduction: The Constitutional Law and Politics of Reproductive Rights
118 Yale L.J. 1312 (2009).
Our Imperial Criminal Procedure: Problems in the Extraterritorial Application of U.S. Constitutional Law
118 Yale L.J. 1660 (2009). From the early days of the Republic, courts have encountered the question of whether and to what extent provisions of the Constitution establishing individual rights have force beyond the borders of the United States—that is, whether the Constitution has “extraterritorial” force. Despite nearly two centuries of decisions on this issue, the law remains unsettled, and no framework for analyzing these claims is clearly defined, much less well established. This Essay draws on that body of decisions to develop an approach for evaluating whether a particular constitutional provision should have overseas application in a particular case. In so doing, it considers competing theories of the Constitution—one envisioning the document as a “compact” between the government and the governed, and the other construing it as a charter from which “organically” flow both the power of the government and the limitations of that power—and how these competing theories shape views on whether constitutional provisions should have force abroad. The question of extraterritorial applicability has arisen in numerous contexts in our history, including continental expansion, colonial administration, and conventional war. In modern times, however, we see it raised most often in the context of criminal prosecutions and antiterror operations. Because the focus of this Essay is on contemporary criminal prosecutions, it examines the basis in international law for a nation to prosecute individuals residing beyond its borders. It then discusses the body of law addressing the question of extraterritorial application and, avoiding a rigid, dogmatic theory, gleans from these decisions a set of considerations that can guide future decisionmaking in this complex area of law.
The Classic Rule of Faith and Credit
118 Yale L.J. 1584 (2009). Since the late nineteenth century, orthodox doctrine under the Constitution’s Full Faith and Credit Clause has presumed that the interpretation of that Clause set forth in Justice Joseph Story’s 1833 Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States was essentially sound. This Article argues, however, that Justice Story’s view had been endorsed by almost no one before him and actually contradicted the “classic rule” of faith and credit, which Justice Story had articulated in 1813. The Supreme Court, moreover, consistently reiterated the “classic rule” despite Justice Story’s change of mind, continuing to do so even after his death. By the 1880s, perhaps due to a lack of critical attention, the “classic rule” of faith and credit had quietly fallen into desuetude, obscured by respect for Justice Story’s name and the impression of authority associated with his works. This contradiction at the root of modern orthodox Full Faith and Credit doctrine has never been confronted until now. This Article assesses the historicity and soundness of both the “classic rule” and Justice Story’s interpretation, which is now the orthodox view, concluding that the “classic rule” is far more defensible textually, grammatically, historically, and politically. This Article also examines the process by which, and the purpose for which, discretion over the “Effect” of sister-state “public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings” was conferred upon Congress by the second sentence of the Full Faith and Credit Clause. Finally, this Article argues that the complete and unqualified nature of the discretion thus vested regarding sister-state effects is an important element of the Constitution’s system of separation of powers and facilitates pragmatic and responsible resolution, from time to time, of any issues in the conflict of laws that might give rise to significant concern or controversy on a national scale.
Popular Constitutionalism, Civic Education, and the Stories We Tell Our Children
118 Yale L.J. 948 (2009). This Note analyzes a set of constitutional stories that has not been the subject of focused study—the constitutional stories we tell our schoolchildren in our most widely used high school textbooks. These stories help reinforce a constitutional culture that is largely deferential to the Supreme Court, limiting references to popular resistance to the Court and often linking such popular resistance to the actions of self-interested politicians, at best, and historical villains, at worst. Our textbooks are especially critical of blunt institutional checks on the Court (like judicial impeachment and “court-packing”), but are sometimes receptive to subtler, longer-term checks (like social mobilization and judicial nominations). If judicial supremacy does run rampant, as popular constitutionalists claim, it would appear as though our public schools are complicit in its entrenchment.
The Example of America
Owen M. Fiss, Sterling Professor of Law at Yale Law School, tackled legal issues involved in the war on terror on March 5, 2009 at the 13th Annual John W. Hager Distinguished Lecture at The University of Tulsa College of Law. The Pocket Part is pleased to present an adapted version of Professor Fiss's lecture, The Example of America. For an audio version of this piece read by the author please access the podcast here. On May 12, 2009, Professor Fiss published an article based on this piece in The Huffington Post, which can be accessed here.
Learning Through Policy Variation
118 Yale L.J. 480 (2008). Rationalist analysis of policymaking, exemplified by cost-benefit analysis, ignores the variance in outcomes associated with policies and seeks to maximize expected outcomes. Burkeans, by contrast, view policy outcome uncertainty negatively. The Burkean approach is echoed in the precautionary principle, which argues that policies with hard-to-determine or high-variance outcomes should be avoided. Both approaches are the subject of vast literatures. This Article argues that both approaches are wrong. When policies can be reversed in future periods, variation in the outcomes associated with a policy is a good thing. Reversibility means that the downside risk of high-variance policies is limited; policies with unexpectedly bad outcomes can be changed in the next period. The upside of high-variance policies, by contrast, may last indefinitely, since policies with unexpectedly good outcomes will be retained. Thus, when policies are reversible, policymakers should deliberately choose policies with uncertain outcomes, other things equal. The Article also examines the assumption of policy reversibility. It shows that the most important source of irreversibility for policy analysis is irretrievable “sunk costs” rather than the potential for catastrophic outcomes or policy inertia. As a result, policies are more reversible than commonly appreciated. The Article then examines optimal policymaking under irreversibility. Under extreme irreversibility, conservatism of a particular sort, called the “real options” approach, constitutes the best policy. More generally, the Article argues that the appropriate attitude toward policy variance depends upon the reversibility of policy. This analysis illuminates many puzzles in constitutional law and institutional design, such as the puzzling difference between entrenched statutes, which are unconstitutional, and sunset clauses, which are permitted. The Article concludes with recommendations to encourage policymakers to use variance more effectively.
Suspension as an Emergency Power
118 Yale L.J. 600 (2009). As the war on terrorism continues, and along with it a heated debate over the scope of executive authority in times of national emergency, one important question deserves careful attention: how much power may Congress vest in the executive to address the crisis at hand when it chooses to take the “grave action” of suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus? For example, may suspension legislation authorize the executive to arrest and detain individuals on suspicion that they might engage in future acts of terrorism? Or does suspending the privilege merely remove the courts from the governing equation without expanding the scope of executive power to arrest and detain persons of suspicion? This Article seeks to provide a definitive account of what it means to suspend the privilege. Toward that end, the Article explores in detail the relationship between suspension, executive power, and individual rights throughout American history along with how the suspension power fits into our larger constitutional scheme. The analysis yields the conclusion that in the narrow circumstances believed by the Framers to justify suspending the privilege—times of “Rebellion or Invasion”—a suspension offers the government some measure of latitude in its efforts to restore order and preserve its very existence. The idea is hardly new. Indeed, Blackstone articulated it long ago. As he both explained and cautioned, “[T]his experiment ought only to be tried in cases of extreme emergency; and in these the nation parts with its liberty for a while, in order to preserve it forever.”
Discovering Arrest Warrants: Intervening Police Conduct and Foreseeability
118 Yale L.J. 177 (2008).
The Price of Public Action: Constitutional Doctrine and the Judicial Manipulation of Legislative Enactment Costs
118 Yale L.J. 2 (2008). This Article argues that courts can, and often should, implement constitutional guarantees by crafting doctrines that raise the costs to government decisionmakers of enacting constitutionally problematic policies. This indirect approach may implement a kind of implicit balancing of interests, in which the damage to constitutional values is weighed against the strength of the government’s interest in the challenged policy, more effectively than alternative approaches. When the government has better information than the reviewing court about the effect of the challenged policy on constitutionally relevant interests, heightened enactment costs act as a kind of screening device: if the government would still enact a given policy in the face of substantial additional enactment costs, the probability that the policy serves significant government interests is likely to be higher. This Article first develops the theoretical argument as to how (and under what conditions) doctrines that manipulate legislative enactment costs may be more effective tools for judicial implementation of the Constitution than doctrines that require direct judicial assessment of the relative strength of the competing interests. The Article further contends that the federal judiciary already has the capacity to fashion doctrines that function in this way, and indeed current doctrine influences legislative enactment costs more than has generally been appreciated.