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in criminal investigation. Ignoring the connection between these two issues and permitting them to proceed apace threatens to radically expand what
adopt their own constitution in 1952—while at the same time continuing to deny them statehood and the voting rights that come with it—the new arrangement
by legal realism, one wonders if these lawyers too hesitated before asking the Court to do so. To the extent they did not, this may tell us something
and incentive—as the authors of their own records and the beneficiaries of their own conduct—to manipulate the process. The third claim is that there
injury, the AO prevents the public from seeing these insipid documents, just as it refuses to release all judge-specific information about sentences
will be used as political tools justified? If political use of SWFs depends on their control of U.S. firms, the answer is almost certainly “no.” There
the nation’s best hope for limiting presidential power in a policy arena that other branches of government have done their best to avoid. In the main
constitutional rights related to speech, religion, and due process, the strength of these rights and the ability to assert them are drastically limited in
progress on these issues. Fortunately, progress is possible, because, as I show here, the impressive-sounding points in Sander’s Response2 violate basic
established doctrines. Many of the Comments published in the Journal have been based on ideas that authors have encountered in their work in clinics